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Federal troops led by Porfirio Díaz Forces led by Bernardo Reyes Forces led by Félix Díaz Army of Victoriano Huerta supported by: (Until 1918) (1916–18) |combatant2= Maderistas Orozquistas Villistas Zapatistas Carrancistas Magonistas Seditionistas supported by: (1917–18) |commander1=1910–11: Porfirio Díaz 1911–13: Pascual Orozco, fought own revolution after Díaz was overthrown and later sided with Huerta after Huerta took power Bernardo Reyes, led own revolution until his death in 1913 Félix Díaz, sided with Reyes and later Huerta after Reyes died in 1913 Emiliano Zapata, sided with Orozco until Huerta took power Victoriano Huerta, sided with Reyes until Reyes died in 1913. After Reyes died, Huerta launched his own revolution and took power 1913–14: Victoriano Huerta Pascual Orozco 1914–19: Venustiano Carranza Álvaro Obregón 1920: Venustiano Carranza |commander2=1910–11: Francisco I. Madero Pascual Orozco, fought against Díaz Bernardo Reyes, fought against Díaz Pancho Villa Emiliano Zapata Venustiano Carranza 1911–13: Francisco I. Madero Pancho Villa Venustiano Carranza 1913–14: Pancho Villa Emiliano Zapata Venustiano Carranza Álvaro Obregón 1914–19: Pancho Villa Emiliano Zapata 1920: Álvaro Obregón |strength1= |strength2= |casualties1= 500 killed |casualties2= 2 killed |casualties3= 1,300,000? Total Mexicans dead (civilian and military)〔Robert McCaa, "Missing millions: the human cost of the Mexican Revolution." ''Mexican Studies'' 19#2 (2001). (online )〕 }} The Mexican Revolution ((スペイン語:Revolución mexicana)) was a major armed struggle ca. 1910–20 that radically transformed Mexican politics and society. Although recent research has focused on local and regional aspects of the Revolution, it was a "genuinely national revolution."〔Alan Knight, "Mexican Revolution: Interpretations" in ''Encyclopedia of Mexico'', vol. 2, p. 873. Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn 1997.〕 The failure of the 35-year long regime of Porfirio Díaz to find a managed solution to the presidential succession meant there was a political crisis among competing elites and the opportunity for agrarian insurrection.〔John Tutino, ''From Insurrection to Revolution: Social Bases of Agrarian Violence, 1750–1940''. Princeton: Princeton University Press 1986, p. 327.〕 Francisco I. Madero, cheated out of the 1910 presidential election, revolted under the Plan of San Luis Potosí which declared the Díaz presidency illegitimate, named Madero as provisional president, called for democracy, and demanded the return of lands unjustly taken from Mexican villages.〔Friedrich Katz, ''The Secret War in Mexico: Europe, the United States, and the Mexican Revolution''. Chicago: University of Chicago Press 1981, p. 35.〕 The armed conflict lasted for the better part of a decade, until around 1920, and had several distinct phases. The period 1920–1940 is often considered to be a phase of the Revolution during which power was consolidated and the revolutionary constitution of 1917 was implemented.〔Knight,"Mexican Revolution: Interpretations" pp. 869–873.〕 Over time the Revolution changed from a revolt against the established order under Díaz to a multi-sided civil war in particular regions with frequently shifting power struggles among factions in the Mexican Revolution. The Constitutionalist faction of northern Mexico led by Venustiano Carranza were the victors in the military phase of the conflict. Northerner Pancho Villa joined the fight against Díaz and came to be a major military figure in the Mexican Revolution until 1915. Peasant leader Emiliano Zapata opposed the Díaz regime and consistently led the fight for campesinos in the state of Morelos for land reform in Mexico until his assassination in 1919. The origins of the conflict were broadly based in opposition to the Díaz regime, with the 1910 election becoming the sparking point for the outbreak of a political rebellion. Elements of the Mexican elite hostile to Díaz, led by Madero, expanded to the middle class, the peasantry in some regions, and organized labor.〔Katz, ''The Secret War in Mexico'' p. 35.〕 In October 1911, Madero was overwhelmingly elected in a free and fair election. Opposition to the Madero regime increased from both the conservatives, who saw him as too weak and too liberal, and from former revolutionary fighters and the dispossessed, who saw him as too conservative. In February 1913 Madero was assassinated. Conservatives led by General Victoriano Huerta sought, from February 1913 on, to reimpose much of the old Porfirian order, but revolts against the regime ensued in the North, under the leadership of the governor of the state of Coahuila, Venustiano Carranza, and in Morelos by peasant leader Emiliano Zapata. Anti-Huerta forces were unified to oust the president. Huerta was forced to resign in July 1914 after 17 months. The Revolution had grown increasingly broad based, radical, and violent. Many revolutionaries sought far-reaching social and economic reforms, restricting foreign investment and empowering Mexican workers and peasants via the state, while weakening conservative forces represented by the Roman Catholic Church in Mexico, wealthy landowners, and foreign capitalists. In 1914, when the winners of the anti-Huerta struggle attempted to sort out a new revolutionary order via the Convention of Aguascalientes, that solution failed. Former allies now fought each other in another round of bloody civil war. Carranza and the best general of the Constitutionalist Army fought against former Constitutionalist general Pancho Villa, who allied with Zapata. The outcome of that civil war between revolutionaries was not a foregone conclusion, but in 1915 Constitutionalist general Obregón defeated Villa and the Constitutionalists under Carranza consolidated power. Zapata withdrew to Morelos and his followers returned to guerrilla warfare; Zapata was assassinated in 1919. Following the Constitutionalists' military victory, Carranza became the pre-constitutional president of Mexico. Then with the writing and ratification of a new constitution in 1917, he was elected the constitutional president. In 1920 when elections were to be held, Carranza attempted to impose a civilian as the leading candidate for the presidency. Northern generals Obregón and Adolfo de la Huerta challenged the decision via the Plan of Agua Prieta. President Carranza attempted to leave the country, but was assassinated en route. General Adolfo de la Huerta assumed the interim presidency, with the election of 1920 bringing General Alvaro Obregón to the presidency. Out of a population of 15 million, the losses were high but numerical estimates vary a great deal. Perhaps 1.5 million people died; nearly 200,000 refugees fled abroad, especially to the United States.〔 This armed conflict is often categorized as the most important sociopolitical event in Mexico and one of the greatest upheavals of the 20th century; it resulted in an important program of experimentation and reform in social organization. Foreign powers' important economic and strategic interests figured in the outcome of power struggles in Mexico, with United States involvement in the Mexican Revolution playing an especially significant role.〔Friedrich Katz, ''The Secret War in Mexico: Europe, the United States, and the Mexican Revolution.'' Chicago: University of Chicago Press 1981.〕 Some scholars consider the promulgation of the Mexican Constitution of 1917 as its end point. “Economic and social conditions improved in accordance with revolutionary policies, so that the new society took shape within a framework of official revolutionary institutions,” with the constitution providing that framework.〔John Womack, Jr. “The Mexican Revolution” in ''Mexico Since Independence'', ed. Leslie Bethell. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1991, p. 125〕 The constitution built on liberal principles of the Constitution of 1857, after which the Constitutionalist movement was named, but changes from that document recognized the importance of groups participating in the Revolution, particularly organized labor and the peasantry. Organized labor gained significant power, as seen in Article 123 of the Constitution of 1917. Land reform in Mexico was enabled by Article 27 of the Constitution. Economic nationalism was also enabled by Article 27, restricting ownership of enterprises by foreigners. Also in the Constitution were further restrictions on the Roman Catholic Church in Mexico, which, when implemented in the late 1920s, resulted in major violence in the Cristero War. No re-election of the president was enshrined in the Constitution and in practice. One major result of the revolution was the disappearance of the Federal Army in 1914, defeated by revolutionary forces of the various factions in the Mexican Revolution.〔Christon Archer, "Military, 1821–1914" in ''Encyclopedia of Mexico'', vol. 2, p. 910. Chicago: Fitzroy and Dearborn 1997.〕 In 1915, the revolutionary army of Pancho Villa, the Division del Norte, also disappeared. Former revolutionary generals turned presidents of Mexico, Alvaro Obregón, Plutarco Elías Calles, and Lázaro Cárdenas took on the task in the 1920s and 1930s of diminishing the power and independence of those armies and asserting effective civilian control.〔Mónica Serrano, "Military, 1914–1996" in ''Encyclopedia of Mexico'', vol. 2, p. 910-11. Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn 1997.〕 Managing political succession was achieved in 1929 with the creation of the ''Partido Nacional Revolucionario'' (PNR), the political party that has dominated Mexico since its creation, now called the Institutional Revolutionary Party. ==The Porfiriato, 1876–1911== The Porfiriato is the period in late nineteenth-century Mexican history dominated by General Porfirio Díaz, who became president of Mexico in 1876 and ruled almost continuously (with the exception of 1880-84), until his forced resignation in 1911.〔James A. Garza, "Porfirio Díaz" in ''Encyclopedia of Mexico'', vol. 1, p. 406. Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn 1997〕 After the presidency of his ally, General Manuel González (1880-1884), Díaz ran for the presidency again and then legally remained in office until 1911. The constitution had been amended to allow presidential re-election. Díaz's re-election was ironic, since he had challenged Benito Juárez on the platform "no re-election."〔Paul Garner, ''Porfirio Díaz''. New York: Pearson 2001, p. 98.〕 During the Porfiriato there were regular elections that were not democratic in nature.〔Garner, ''Porfirio Díaz'', p. 98.〕 Although Díaz had publicly announced in an interview with journalist James Creelman that he would not run in the 1910 election, setting off a flurry of political activity, he changed his mind and decided to run again at age 80. The contested 1910 election was a key political event that led to the Mexican Revolution. As Díaz aged, the question of presidential succession became increasingly important. In 1906, the office of vice president was revived, with Díaz choosing his close ally Ramón Corral from among his Cientifico advisers to serve in the post.〔Garner, ''Porfirio Díaz'', p. 253.〕 By the 1910 election, the Díaz regime had become highly authoritarian and opposition in many sectors of Mexican society had grown. He had been a national hero, opposing the French Intervention in the 1860s and distinguishing himself in the Battle of Puebla on May 5, 1862 ("Cinco de Mayo").〔Garner, ''Porfirio Díaz'', p. 242.〕 Díaz entered politics following the expulsion of the French in 1867. In the elections of 1871 that elected Benito Juárez, Díaz alleged fraud and unsuccessfully rebelled against Lerdo under the Plan de La Noria.〔Garner, ''Porfirio Díaz'',p. 245〕 When Juárez died in office in 1872, Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada succeeded him. Lerdo offered an amnesty, which Díaz accepted. However, when Lerdo ran for the presidency in 1876, Díaz successfully rebelled under the Plan de Tuxtepec.〔Garner, ''Porfirio Díaz'', p. 246.〕〔William Weber Johnson, ''Heroic Mexico: The Violent emergence of a Modern Nation'', Doubleday 1968, p. 69.〕 In his early years in the presidency Díaz was a master politician, playing factions off against one another while retaining and consolidating his own power. He used the ''Rurales,'' an armed police force directly under his control, as a paramilitary force that kept order in the countryside. He rigged elections, arguing that only he knew what was best for his country, and he enforced his belief with a strong hand. "Order and Progress" were the watchwords of his rule. Although Díaz came to power in 1876 under the banner of "no re-election," with the exception of the presidency of Manuel González from 1880–1884, Díaz remained in power continuously from 1884 until 1911, with rigged elections held at regular intervals to give the appearance of democracy. Díaz's presidency was characterized by promotion of industry and development of infrastructure by opening the country to foreign investment. He believed opposition needed to be suppressed and order maintained to reassure foreign entrepreneurs that their investments were safe. The modernization and progress in cities came at the expense of the rising working class and the peasantry. Farmers and peasants both complained of oppression and exploitation. The economy took a great leap during the Porfiriato, as he encouraged the construction of factories and industries, and infrastructure such as roads and dams, as well as improving agriculture. Industrialization resulted in the rise of an urban proletariat and attracted an influx of foreign capital from the United States and Great Britain. Wealth, political power, and access to education were concentrated among a handful of elite landholding families, overwhelmingly of European descent, known as ''hacendados'', who controlled vast swaths of the country by virtue of their huge estates (for example, the Terrazas had one estate in Sonora that alone comprised more than a million acres). Most people in Mexico were landless peasants laboring on the vast estates or industrial workers toiling for little more than slave wages. Foreign companies, mostly from the United Kingdom, France, and the U.S., also exercised influence in Mexico. 抄文引用元・出典: フリー百科事典『 ウィキペディア（Wikipedia）』 ■ウィキペディアで「mexican revolution」の詳細全文を読む スポンサード リンク
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